Informacija

Što je zlatni standard testiranja fluidne inteligencije?

Što je zlatni standard testiranja fluidne inteligencije?


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

Naslovu nema puno za dodati- koji je trenutno prihvaćen "najbolji" test fluidne inteligencije? Kako je odlučeno da bude najbolji?


Odgovor ćete pronaći ovdje:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fluid_and_crystallized_intelligence#Measurement_of_fluid_intelligence

Kako se spominje, Ravenova progresivna matrica popularna je opcija za koju se pokazalo da jako opterećuje i g i Gf (fluidna inteligencija).

Što se tiče zlatnog standarda, vjerojatno je poželjnije imati skup mjera relevantnih za Gf i uzeti neke njihove kombinacije. Na primjer, podskale performansi WAIS -a.

Općenito, dobra mjera fluidne inteligencije mogla bi se zaključiti iz njenih korelacija s drugim mjerama. Također bi trebao imati dobru pouzdanost i druga svojstva valjanosti. Konkretno, kada se primjenjuje u velikoj bateriji mjera kognitivnih sposobnosti, faktorska analiza trebala bi pokazati da se test jako opterećuje čimbenikom koji izgleda kao fluidna inteligencija (tj. Da su ostale mjere opterećenja fluidne inteligencije opterećene). Ima tu još nečega, ali možda i polazište.


Istina o autizmu: znanstvenici preispituju što su oni Razmišljati Znaju

Da biste ponovo vidjeli ovaj članak, posjetite Moj profil, a zatim Pogledajte spremljene priče.

Da biste ponovo vidjeli ovaj članak, posjetite Moj profil, a zatim Pogledajte spremljene priče.

Amanda Baggs prednjači u pokretu koji prisiljava istraživače na preispitivanje autizma. Fotografija: Jessica Dimmock Otvara se isječak s YouTubea sa ženom okrenutom od kamere, ljuljajući se naprijed -natrag, nespretno mašući rukama i ispuštajući jezivo brujanje. Zatim izvodi čudna ponavljajuća ponašanja: lupi komad papira o prozor, prelazi rukom po dužini preko tipkovnice računala, uvrćući gumb ladice. Rukom udara ogrlicu i pribada lice licem o stranice knjige. I pomislite: Tko snima ovaj snimak gospođe s invaliditetom i zašto me uvijek uvali gledajući najnoviji viralni video?

No, tada se na crnog ekranu pojavljuju riječi & quot; Prijevod & quot; i sljedećih pet minuta 27-godišnja Amanda Baggs-koja je autistična i ne govori-živopisno i artikulirano opisuje što joj se događa u glavi dok ona izvodi te naizgled bizarne radnje. Sintetiziranim glasom koji generira softverska aplikacija objašnjava ona da joj dodirivanje, kušanje i miris omogućuju "stalni razgovor" s okolinom. Ovi oblici neverbalnih podražaja čine njezin & quotnative jezik, & quot; objašnjava Baggs, i nisu ništa bolji ili lošiji od govornog jezika. Ipak, njezin nedostatak govora smatra se manjkom, kaže ona, dok se drugi ljudi koji ne nauče njezin jezik smatraju prirodnim i prihvatljivim.

I zateknete razmišljanje: Možda ima pravo.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JnylM1hI2jc Na mom jeziku

Baggs živi u javnom stambenom projektu za starije i hendikepirane u blizini centra Burlingtona, Vermont. Ima kratku crnu kosu, šiljast nos i okrugle naočale. Obično nosi majicu i široke hlače, a zastrašujuće vrijeme-danju i noću-provodi na Internetu: bloganje, druženje u Second Lifeu i dopisivanje sa svojom majicom i prijateljima. (Za neupućene, to 's autističan i Asperger's.)

U mračno popodne Baggs se zavali na crveni futon u stanu svoje susjede (i najbolje prijateljice). Ima sivi putni jastuk omotan oko vrata, tipkovnicu na krilu, a računalo DynaVox VMax naslonjeno na noge.

Kao i mnogi drugi ljudi s autizmom, Baggs vas ne voli gledati u oči i potrebna mu je pomoć oko zadataka poput pripreme obroka i tuširanja. U razgovoru bi povremeno gunđala ili uzdahnula, ali je u dvadesetima potpuno prestala govoriti. Umjesto toga, ona otkuca 120 riječi u minuti, što DynaVox zatim prevede u sintetizirani ženski glas koji zvuči poput mrtve britanske učiteljice.

Objava na YouTubeu, kaže ona, bila je politička izjava, osmišljena kako bi skrenula pozornost na sklonost ljudi da podcjenjuju autistične osobe. To nije bio njezin prvi video post, ali ovaj je uspio. & quotKada se broj gledatelja počeo povećavati, prestrašio sam se & quot, kaže Baggs. Kako se broj pogodaka približio 100.000, njezin je blog bio preplavljen. Na 200.000, znanstvenici su je pozivali da posjeti njihove laboratorije. Do 300.000 ljudi došlo je na televiziju, srca zagrijanih pričom o vatrenom duhu mlade žene i rijetkim uvidom u ono što se dugo smatralo usamljenim zatočenjem autističnog uma. "Milijun puta sam rekao da nisam zarobljen u svom svijetu", kaže Baggs. & quotJoš s čime vodi većina ovih vijesti? Govoreći upravo to. & Quot

Fotografija: Jessica DimmockKažem joj da sam zamolio jednog od vodećih svjetskih autoriteta za autizam da pogleda video. Mišljenje stručnjaka: Torbe su morale imati pomoć izvana pri stvaranju, možda od nekoga od njezinih njegovatelja. Njezina nesposobnost za razgovor, zajedno s ponavljajućim ponašanjima, nedostatak kontakta očima i potreba za pomoći pri svakodnevnim poslovima znakovi su ozbiljnog autizma. Među svim autistima, očekuje se da 75 posto postigne rezultat u mentalno retardiranom rasponu na standardnim testovima inteligencije - to je kvocijent inteligencije 70 ili manji.

Ljudi poput Baggsa padaju na jedan kraj niza razvojnih sindroma poznatih kao poremećaji iz spektra autizma. Spektar se kreće od nekoga s teškim invaliditetom i kognitivnim smetnjama do društveno neugodnog ekscentrika s Aspergerovim sindromom.

Nakon što objasnim sumnje znanstvenika, Baggs progunđa, a usta joj stvaraju samo tračak smiješka dok pušta salvu na tipkovnici. Nitko joj nije pomogao snimiti video, urediti ga i postaviti na YouTube. Koristila je Sony Cybershot DSC-T1, digitalni fotoaparat koji može snimiti do 90 sekundi videozapisa (od tada je nadogradila). Zatim je zajedno zakrpila snimke pomoću programa za uređivanje RAD Video Tools, VirtualDub i DivXLand Media Subtitler. & quotMoja pružateljica zdravstvene njege ne bi 't znala ni raditi sa softverom & quot, kaže ona.

Torbe su dio sve vidljivije i visoko umrežene zajednice autista. Tijekom proteklog desetljeća ova je grupa imala ogromnu korist od Interneta, kao i od inovacija poput softvera za pretvaranje govora u govor. Torbe se možda nikada nisu smatrale zarobljenima u svom svijetu, ali zahvaljujući tehnologiji mogu komunicirati istom brzinom i specifičnošću kao i netko tko koristi govorni jezik.

Fotografija: Jessica DimmockAutisti poput Baggsa sada vode pokret za građanska prava u nastajanju. & quotSjećam se u ➙ & quot ;, kaže ona & quot ;, pregledavajući brojne web stranice gay pridea. Zavidio sam koliko ih ima i poželio sam da postoji tako nešto za autizam. Sada postoji. & Quot Poruka: Mi smo ovdje. Mi smo 're čudni. Naviknuti se na nešto.

Ovaj pokret potiče mali, ali rastući kadar neuropsiholoških istraživača koji iznova bacaju pogled na prirodu samog autizma. Stanje, kažu, ne bi trebalo smatrati bolešću koju treba iskorijeniti. Možda je autistični mozak neispravan, već jednostavno drugačiji - primjer raznolikosti ljudskog razvoja. Ovi istraživači tvrde da je usredotočenost na pronalaženje lijeka za autizam - model bolesti - spriječila znanost u postavljanju temeljnih pitanja o tome kako funkcionira autistični mozak.

Temelj ovog novog pristupa - nazovite ga modelom razlike - jest to da su prošla istraživanja o autističnoj inteligenciji pogrešna, možda katastrofalno, jer su instrumenti za mjerenje inteligencije lažni. "Da je Amanda Baggs ušla u moju kliniku prije pet godina", kaže neuroznanstvenik opće bolnice Massachusetts Thomas Zeffiro, jedan od vodećih zagovornika modela različitosti, "rekao bih da je autistična osoba s niskim funkcioniranjem sa značajnim kognitivnim oštećenjima." I bio bih potpuno u krivu. & Quot

Fotografija: Jessica DimmockPrije sedamdeset godina, psihijatar iz Baltimorea po imenu Leo Kanner počeo je bilježiti zapažanja o djeci u svojoj klinici koja su pokazivala & quotfascinantne posebnosti. & quot; Baš kad se trebao objaviti znameniti Kannerjev dokument, pedijatar iz Beča po imenu Hans Asperger dovršio je izvještaj o slična populacija pacijenata. Obojica su neovisno upotrijebili istu riječ za opisivanje i definiranje stanja: autist, ili autizam, iz grčkog automobili, što znači ja.

Djeca su imala vrlo stvarne deficite, osobito kada je u pitanju "nemogućnost integracije u društvenu skupinu" (Asperger) ili urođena nesposobnost uspostavljanja "kvocijentnog kontakta" s drugim ljudima (Kanner). Dva liječnika i još#opažanja o oštećenju jezika, ponašanju koje se ponavlja i želji za istošću još uvijek čine veliki dio osnova dijagnoza autizma u 21. stoljeću.

Što se tiče autistične inteligencije, Kanner je govorio o nizu mentalnih vještina, & quotisletima sposobnosti & quot-rječniku, pamćenju i rješavanju problema koji & quotbespeak govore o dobroj inteligenciji. & Quot; Asperger je također bio pogođen & kvotom posebne originalnosti misli i iskustva. & Quot Ipak, tijekom godina, ti su otočići privukli znanstveni interes tek kad su bili nevjerojatni-sposobnosti na razini nauke u područjima poput glazbe, matematike i crtanja. Za milijune ljudi s autizmom koji nisu bili naučnici, općenito je bilo mišljenje da je njihovo stanje tragično, da im nedostaje mozga.

Test koji se obično koristi za potkrepljivanje ovog gledišta uvelike se oslanja na jezik, društvenu interakciju i kulturno znanje - područja koja autističnim osobama, po definiciji, predstavljaju teškoću. Prije otprilike šest godina, Meredyth Goldberg Edelson, profesorica psihologije na Sveučilištu Willamette u Oregonu, pregledala je 215 članaka objavljenih u proteklih 71 godinu, a svi navode ili upućuju na ovu vezu između autizma i mentalne retardacije. Otkrila je da većini radova (74 posto) nedostaju vlastiti podaci istraživanja koji bi potvrdili tu pretpostavku. Trideset i devet posto članaka nije bilo temeljeno na bilo kakvim podacima, pa čak su i rigoroznije studije često koristile upitne mjere inteligencije. & quot; Je li većina autističara mentalno zaostala? & quot; pita Goldberg Edelson. & quotOsobno mislim da nisu, ali nemamo podataka na koje bismo mogli odgovoriti. & quot

Mike Merzenich, profesor neuroznanosti na Sveučilištu San Francisco, kaže da je mišljenje da je 75 posto autističnih osoba mentalno zaostalo "nevjerojatno pogrešno i destruktivno." Radio je s brojnom autističnom djecom, od kojih su mnoga neverbalna i bila bi uvrštena u kategoriju slabog funkcioniranja. & quotOznačavamo ih kao retardirane jer ne mogu izraziti ono što znaju, & quot; a zatim, kako odrastaju, prihvaćamo da oni & quotcan 't ne rade puno više nego sjede u stražnjem dijelu skladišta i strpaju slova u koverte. & quot

Ironija je u tome što se nedostatak podataka nastavlja čak i kad autizam dobije lavinu pažnje. Organizacije kao što je Autizam govori zagovaraju istraživanja i izvore. Slavni roditelji poput Tonija Braxtona, Eda Asnera i Jenny McCarthy dobivaju visoko izvještavanje o talk showovima i TV vijestima. Novinski tjednici izazivaju strah od epidemije autizma. No postoji li epidemija? Sigurno postoji percepcija jednog. Prema Centrima za kontrolu bolesti, jedno od svakih 150 osmogodišnje djece (u područjima SAD-a koja su nedavno proučavana) ima poremećaj iz spektra autizma, čija je prevalencija mnogo veća nego u prošlim desetljećima, kada se mislilo da je stopa biti u rasponu od četiri ili pet slučajeva na 10.000 djece. No nitko ne zna je li ova očigledna eksplozija slučajeva posljedica stvarnog porasta autizma, mijenjanja dijagnostičkih kriterija, nedosljednih tehnika anketiranja ili neke kombinacije ova tri.

U svom izvornom radu 1943., Kanner je napisao da iako su mnoga djeca koja je pregledao i na koje su u jednom ili drugom trenutku gledali kao na nemoć, sva su nedvojbeno obdarena dobri kognitivni potencijali. & quot; Šezdeset i pet godina kasnije, malo se zna o tim potencijalima. Kao što mi je jedan istraživač rekao, "Nema"#novaca na tom polju za sagledavanje razlika "u autističnom mozgu. & quotAli ako govorite o pokušaju rješavanja problema - onda dolazi do financiranja. & quot

Na rubu mjesta u Montrealu sjedi monolit od opeke, Hôpital Rivière-des-Prairies. Nekad jedan od najozloglašenijih azila u Kanadi, sada ima mali broj psihijatrijskih pacijenata, ali je većina prostora pretvorena u klinike i istraživačke ustanove.

Jedan od vodećih istraživača ovdje je Laurent Mottron (55), psihijatar specijaliziran za autizam. Mottron, koji je odrastao u poslijeratnoj Francuskoj, imao je teško djetinjstvo. Njegova je obitelj u prošlosti imala shizofreniju i Touretteov sindrom, a vjerojatno ima i ono što bi mu se danas dijagnosticiralo kao nedostatak pažnje i poremećaj hiperaktivnosti. Naravno, otišao je na psihijatriju. Do ranih##2780 -ih, Mottron je obavljao kliničke poslove u školi u Toursu koja se bavila djecom sa senzornim oštećenjima, uključujući autizam. "Onda je mišljenje," kaže Mottron, "bilo da bi se ova djeca mogla vratiti u normalu terapijom igrom i poraditi na odnosima roditelja i#x27" - nježan način da se kaže da su roditelji, posebno majka, krivi. (Teorija da su emocionalno udaljene majke iz hladnjaka iz hladnjaka uzrokovale autizam do tada je odbačena u SAD -u, ali u Francuskoj i mnogim drugim zemljama mišljenje se zadržalo.)

Nakon samo nekoliko tjedana na poslu, Mottron je odlučio da su teorije besmislene. "Ova djeca su samo druge vrste", kaže on. & quotNi ste mogli 'utvoriti nekoga autističnim ili nekoga učiniti autističnim. Bio je ožičen. "1986. Mottron je počeo raditi s autističnim čovjekom koji će kasnije u znanstvenoj literaturi postati poznat kao & quot; E.C. & quot; Crtač koji se specijalizirao za mehaničke crteže, E.C. imao je nevjerojatne savantne sposobnosti u 3D crtežu. Mogao je rotirati predmete u svom umu i praviti tehničke crteže bez potrebe za jednom revizijom. Nakon dvije godine rada s EC-om, Mottron je napravio svoj drugi iskorak-ovaj put ne o autistima, već o nama ostalima: Ljudi sa standardnim mozgom-tzv. čini. & quotIt 's jednostavno nije u skladu s načinom rada našeg mozga, & quot; kaže Mottron.

Od tog dana nadalje odlučio je osporiti model bolesti koji je u osnovi većine istraživanja autizma. & quot; Htio sam otići što sam više mogao kako bih pokazao da su njihova percepcija - njihov mozak - potpuno drugačiji. & quot Nije oštećen. Nije disfunkcionalan. Samo drugačije.

Sredinom 1990-ih Mottron je bio član fakulteta na Sveučilištu u Montrealu, gdje je počeo objavljivati ​​radove o & kvotipičnosti percepcije & quot u autističnim predmetima. Prilikom obavljanja određenih mentalnih zadataka - osobito pri dodirivanju vizualnih, prostornih i slušnih funkcija - autisti su pokazali superiornu izvedbu u usporedbi s neurotipičnim. Nazovite to naličjem autizma. Deseci studija-Mottron 's i drugi-pokazali su da osobe s poremećajem iz spektra autizma imaju brojne prednosti: veća prevalencija savršene visine, poboljšane sposobnosti s 3-D crtežom i prepoznavanjem uzoraka, preciznije grafičko pamćenje i različiti superiorni vještine pamćenja.

Ipak, većina znanstvenika koji naiđu na te vještine klasificiraju ih kao & kvote abnormalnih vrhova sposobnosti, & quot; ostavljaju ih po strani i vraćaju se na pitanja koja pokreću većinu istraživanja: Što nije u redu s autističnim mozgom? Možemo li pronaći odgovorne gene kako bismo ga jednog dana mogli izliječiti? Postoji li ujedinjujuća teorija autizma? S teškim autistima, kognitivne snage još je sklonije zanemariti jer ti pojedinci imaju tako očigledne nedostatke i teško ih je testirati. Ljudi poput vrećica ne govore, drugi mogu istrčati iz sobe, a treći možda neće moći držati olovku. A osim toga, ako je 75 posto njih mentalno zaostalo, pa zašto se truditi?

Mottron povlači paralelu s homoseksualnošću. Do 1974. psihijatrijska biblija, Dijagnostički i statistički priručnik za mentalne poremećaje, opisao gay kao mentalnu bolest. Mottron kaže da ćemo se jednog dana osvrnuti na današnje ideje o autizmu s istim osjećajem srama koji sada osjećamo kada govorimo o psihološkim pogledima na seksualnost prije 1974. godine. "Želimo razbiti ideju da autizam svakako treba suzbiti", kaže on.

Michelle Dawson, desno, autistična je. Ona je također istraživačica u laboratoriju Laurenta Mottrona (lijevo), psihijatra koji je specijaliziran za autizam.
Fotografija: Jessica DimmockMichelle Dawson ne vozi i ne kuha. Javni prijevoz je preplavljuje, a interakcija licem u lice muka je. Zaposlila se kao poštanski radnik 1998. godine kada je "izašla iz ormara" sa svojom dijagnozom autizma, koju je primila u ranim##27790 -im. Nakon toga, tvrdi ona, Canada Post ju je uznemiravao do te mjere da je bila prisiljena otići na stalni odmor, počevši od 2002. (Canada Post kaže da se s Dawsonom postupalo pošteno.) Da bi uzvratila, išla je na informaciju- proždirući divljanje. & quotPostoji takva raznolikost ljudskog ponašanja. Zašto moja vrsta nije u redu? "Pita ona. Na kraju je počela pretraživati ​​knjižnice sveučilišta McGill u Montrealu kako bi se pozabavila literaturom o autizmu. Pretraživala je članke u časopisima koristeći mrežni katalog i sjedila na podu čitajući studije među hrpama.


Vrste psiholoških testova, njihova upotreba i koristi

Kognitivni Testiranje funkcioniranja i inteligencije (IQ testiranje)

Testiranje intelektualnog količnika (IQ) ne mjeri stvarni inteligencija, ali, komponente inteligencije i intelektualni potencijal. Sean Hayes PsyD, licencirani klinički psiholog iz Thriveworks u Sterlingu, VA, raspravlja da inteligencija sama po sebi nije jedan konstrukt. U daljnjoj raspravi s Hayesom, on savjetuje da „iako se ljudima daje jedna ocjena inteligencije, ono što je korisnije su komponente tog rezultata. Neki su ljudi jači u nekim područjima (poput različitih vrsta pamćenja, brzine obrade, apstraktnog zaključivanja, konkretnog zaključivanja, pažnje, društvenih vještina, emocionalne inteligencije) od drugih. Ove su informacije posebno korisne jer tada možemo reći u kojim ste stvarima posebno dobri i kako nadoknaditi slabosti u drugim područjima. ”

Testiranje inteligencije dostupno je više od stoljeća, međutim, značajno je napredovalo otkad su prvi testovi uvedeni početkom 1900 -ih. Najčešći testovi inteligencije koji se trenutno koriste su sljedeći:

  • Stanford-Binetova inteligencijska ljestvica-mjeri pet čimbenika kognitivnih sposobnosti, uključujući fluidno zaključivanje, znanje, kvantitativno zaključivanje, vizualno-prostornu obradu i radnu memoriju. Mjereći i verbalne i neverbalne odgovore, može se koristiti za dijagnosticiranje razvojnih ili intelektualnih nedostataka u male djece.
  • Univerzalna neverbalna inteligencija - dobra je alternativa uobičajenim verbalnim testovima inteligencije. Namijenjen je djeci u dobi od 5 godina do 17 godina i 11 mjeseci.
  • Ljestvice diferencijalnih sposobnosti - testira niz kognitivnih sposobnosti poput čitanja, matematike i pravopisa za djecu u dobi od 2 godine 6 mjeseci do 17 godina 11 mjeseci.
  • Peabody Individual Achievement Test - test je postignuća koji se primjenjuje na osobe u dobi od 5 do 22 godine. Procjenjujući područja kao što su prepoznavanje čitanja, opći podaci, razumijevanje čitanja, matematika, pisano izražavanje i pravopis, vraća se raspon ocjena između vrtića i 12. razreda.
  • Wechslerov individualni test postignuća - test čitanja, numeričkih i jezičnih postignuća u dobi od 4 do 25 godina i 11 mjeseci, koji daje indikaciju cjelokupnog akademskog funkcioniranja.
  • Wechslerova ljestvica inteligencije za odrasle - najčešće korišteni test inteligencije u svijetu, posebno dizajniran za odrasle.
  • Wechslerova ljestvica inteligencije za djecu-slična je ljestvici inteligencije za odrasle, ali je namijenjena djeci u dobi od 6 do 16 godina koja generira potpunu ljestvicu inteligencije.
  • Woodcock Johnson III testovi kognitivnih teškoća-zbirka od 20 različitih testova koji procjenjuju kognitivne sposobnosti i postignuća u dobi od 2 do 20 godina. Može se koristiti za identifikaciju pojedinaca s iznimnom razinom inteligencije, smetnjama u pojavnosti kao što je ADHD, blagim intelektualnim teškoćama, specifičnim teškoćama u čitanju, matematici i pisanom jeziku te s niskom učestalošću.

Testiranje inteligencije korisno je ako ste zabrinuti da vaše dijete može imati intelektualne poteškoće, ako dijete zaostaje u školi ili pokazuje probleme u ponašanju. Također se može koristiti zajedno s drugim testovima kao dio postavljanja dijagnoze. Osim toga, ispitivanje inteligencije može se koristiti za karijerno usmjeravanje odraslih. Testiranje sposobnosti također je korisno kako bi vam pomoglo da pronađete pravi put u karijeri, pomažući vam da sagledate svoje snage i slabosti. Važno je zapamtiti da su IQ i postignuća samo jedan oblik inteligencije. Istraživanja pokazuju da društveni i emocionalni čimbenici također doprinose inteligenciji, možda imaju veći utjecaj na određivanje životnog uspjeha od IQ -a.

Procjene diferencijalne dijagnoze

Kada govorimo o diferencijalnoj dijagnozi, to znači da postoji više mogućnosti za vašu dijagnozu. Ponekad dijagnoza nije uvijek jasna. Mnogi su uvjeti prisutni na sličan način ili koegzistiraju. Hayes savjetuje da procjene diferencijalne dijagnoze mogu dati izravan i konačan odgovor na ovaj problem. “Na primjer, postoji velika razlika između načina na koji tretiramo autizam i anksioznosti, ali postoje slučajevi u kojima dvije dijagnoze mogu izgledati prilično slično. Testiranje pomaže razlučiti dijagnoze ili shvatiti jesu li oboje. " Ako ste zabrinuti da vi ili vaše dijete imate diferencijalnu dijagnozu, tada je ova vrsta procjene dostupna kako bi vam pomogla odrediti što se događa.

Adaptivno funkcioniranje i razvojno testiranje (uključujući testiranje ADHD -a i autizma)

Prilagodljivi testovi funkcioniranja i razvoja mogu se koristiti za procjenu životnih vještina i sposobnosti. Također procjenjuju društvenu i emocionalnu zrelost djeteta u odnosu na svoje vršnjake. Ove vrste testova mogu biti dio procesa kada pokušavate potvrditi ima li vaše dijete stanje poput ADHD -a ili autizma.

  • Poremećaj hiperaktivnosti s nedostatkom pažnje (ADHD) - može biti teško dijagnosticirati. Ne postoji jedinstveni test za dijagnosticiranje ADHD -a, već se koristi zbirka procjena, praćenja, liječničkih pregleda, kontrolnih popisa i zapažanja. Hayes savjetuje da je bolje obaviti testiranje prije nego kasnije ako sumnjate na vas ili vaše dijete ima ADHD: „Jednom dijagnosticirano liječenje može biti relativno jednostavno liječenje lijekovima, a terapija rezultira brzim i značajnim poboljšanjem učinka, što mogao biti neprocjenjiv. ”
  • Poremećaj spektra autizma (ASD) - može proći neko vrijeme za dijagnosticiranje. Poput ADHD -a, niti jedan jedini test nije dovoljan za postavljanje dijagnoze. Liječnici će pogledati povijest razvoja, ponašanje i mogu provesti sveobuhvatne procjene razvoja i funkcioniranja. Znakovi se mogu pojaviti vrlo rano u životu, ali se ponekad propuštaju. Samo neki od ključnih znakova na koje treba obratiti pažnju su:
    • Izbjegavanje kontakta očima.
    • Vrlo malo interesa za angažiranje s drugom djecom, vršnjacima ili roditeljima/učiteljima.
    • Problemi s jezikom i komunikacijom.
    • Uznemireni su manjim promjenama u rutini.

    Dijagnosticiranje ASD -a što je prije moguće važno je kako bi se osiguralo da djeca dobiju podršku i intervencije koje su im potrebne kako bi dosegli svoj puni potencijal.

    Interesi u karijeri, vještine i treniranje

    Brinete li se da ste u karijeri zašli u slijepu ulicu? Ili možda nikada niste osjetili da vam karijera odgovara. Možda želite napraviti sljedeći korak u svojoj karijeri, ali želite znati iskoristiti svoje snage za više ciljanje! Mnogi testovi specifični za karijeru procjenjuju sklonost, osobnost, interese i sposobnosti. Ove vrste ocjenjivanja mogu poboljšati vaše liderske vještine, komunikacijske vještine ili vas odvesti do prave karijere ili najboljeg položaja u organizaciji. Zašto je to važno? Pa, pokazalo se da ispunjenje vaše karijere ima izravne veze s učinkovitošću, srećom i samopouzdanjem.

    Procjene osobnosti i dijagnosticiranje poremećaja osobnosti

    Osobnost je složena tapiserija koja se razvijala tijekom djetinjstva pod utjecajem genetskih, okolišnih i društvenih čimbenika. “Testiranje osobnosti može biti jako korisno za nekoga tko stalno nailazi na iste prepreke i ne može razumjeti zašto ili što ih ometa. Nevjerojatno je korisno u otkrivanju nesvjesnih sukoba i motiva koje možda nismo shvatili ”, kaže dr. Lindsay Brancato, klinički psiholog i psihoanalitičar. Testiranje osobnosti može se koristiti ako imate poteškoća u vezi. Možda osjećate da se vrtite u krug, ne razumijete stajalište jedno drugoga ili ne možete doći do dna problema? Testiranje osobnosti može vam pomoći da se bolje razumijete.

    Procjene osobnosti također se koriste pri dijagnosticiranju poremećaja osobnosti kao što su shizoidni, granični, opsesivno-kompulzivni ili narcisoidni poremećaji osobnosti. Prepoznavanjem točne dijagnoze pojedinci mogu dobiti terapiju i podršku koja im je potrebna.

    Procjene funkcioniranja učenja i dijagnosticiranje teškoća u učenju

    Poteškoće u učenju mogu uvelike varirati od vrlo blagih do vrlo teških. Ako je nekome dijagnosticirana poteškoća u učenju, to znači da teže usvaja svakodnevne životne vještine. Ove vrste vještina mogu uključivati ​​kućanske poslove, komunikaciju, druženje, čitanje/pisanje, osobnu njegu ili upravljanje novcem. Nekim osobama s poteškoćama u učenju možda će trebati samo vrlo mala podrška, poput pomoći pri zapošljavanju, dok drugima je potrebna velika pomoć u svim njihovim svakodnevnim aktivnostima. Od vitalne je važnosti dobiti dijagnozu kako bi pojedinac mogao dobiti potrebnu podršku. U procesu dijagnosticiranja poteškoća u učenju koristi se niz testova, poput testova inteligencije, postignuća, jezika i vizualne motoričke integracije.

    Poteškoće u učenju razlikuju se od poteškoća u učenju, međutim ponekad je teško razlikovati to dvoje. Mogu se i podudarati zajedno. Poteškoće u učenju, poput disleksije, diskalkulije ili dispraksije, ne utječu na opći intelekt. Često se provodi u obrazovnom okruženju, dostupan je niz testova za procjenu teškoća u učenju.

    Evaluacije darovitih položaja

    Hayes objašnjava neke zanimljive točke o ocjenjivanju darovitih osoba: „Ove su vrste evaluacije osobito korisne ako sumnjate da vaše dijete nije dovoljno izazovno u školi. Ponekad se vrlo inteligentna djeca loše ponašaju u školi jer su toliko ispred svojih vršnjaka i dosadno im je. Potvrđivanjem da je dijete darovito kroz testiranje, to može pomoći u pronalaženju izazovnijih postavki, što djetetu omogućuje da bude uspješniji. Međutim, nikada ne biste trebali trenirati dijete za ovu (ili bilo koju) vrstu testiranja. Ako dobiju visok rezultat koji nije u skladu s njihovom stvarnom inteligencijom, napredovanje djeteta u okruženje u kojem ne pripada vjerojatno će biti negativno iskustvo. ”

    Kognitivno i neuropsihološko testiranje

    Ove vrste testova često se koriste u dijagnostici stanja poput ozljeda mozga, potresa mozga, demencije, Parkinsonove bolesti i Alzheimerove bolesti. Kognitivno i neuropsihološko testiranje mjeri sposobnosti poput pamćenja, vizualne svijesti, motoričkih funkcija, matematičkih vještina, jezičnih vještina i prostornih vještina. Oni procjenjuju utječe li problem s vašim mozgom na vaše kognitivne sposobnosti, motoriku ili ponašanje. Kratke testove, kao što je mini-mentalno ispitivanje stanja i kognitivna procjena u Montrealu, mogu obaviti različiti medicinski stručnjaci kako bi se pružila brza procjena kognitivnih vještina. Međutim, dubinsko neuropsihološko ispitivanje provodi stručnjak i može potrajati nekoliko sati. Često se ponavljaju testovi i rezultati u usporedbi s prvim testom kako bi se utvrdilo postoje li promjene ili je stanje napredovalo.

    Testiranje depresije i anksioznosti

    Iako se depresija i anksioznost mogu identificirati bez testiranja, može biti korisno odrediti uzrok depresije/anksioznosti. Identificiranjem problema koji je doveo do depresije ili anksioznosti, to može pomoći profesionalnom krojenju planova liječenja za podršku pojedincu. Ponekad se ova vrsta testiranja može upotrijebiti kako bi se liječniku istaknulo da osoba pati od tjeskobe ili depresije kako bi mogla dobiti liječenje koje joj je potrebno.

    Zaključak je da je psihološko testiranje tu da vam pomogne kao pojedincu. Omogućuje bolje razumijevanje rada vašeg mozga i vama i ljudima oko vas. Može vas osnažiti da preuzmete kontrolu nad problemima s kojima se suočavate ili vam pomoći u napretku. Ako ste zabrinuti za dijete, to će vam omogućiti da tražite pravu razinu obrazovanja, podrške, aktivnosti ili terapije koja im je potrebna da budu što uspješniji.

    Abu-Hamour, B., Hmouz, H., Mattar, J., & amp Muhaidat, M. (2012). Korištenje Woodcock-Johnsonovih testova za identificiranje učenika s posebnim potrebama-opsežan pregled literature. Procedia - društvene i bihevioralne znanosti, 47, 665-673. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.06.714

    Burns, T. (2010). Wechslerov test individualnih postignuća-III: Što je ‘zlatni standard’ za mjerenje akademskih postignuća ?. Primijenjena neuropsihologija, 17(3), 234-236.

    Gomez, R., Vance, A., & amp Watson, S. (2016). Struktura Wechslerove ljestvice inteligencije za djecu - četvrto izdanje u skupini djece s ADHD -om. Granice u psihologiji, 7. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00737

    Kako Weschslerova ljestvica inteligencije za odrasle mjeri inteligenciju?. Vrlo dobro Um. (2020). Preuzeto 25. kolovoza 2020. s https://www.verywellmind.com/the-wechsler-adult-intelligence-scale-2795283.

    Kraft, M., Marinell, W. i amp Shen-Wei Yee, D. (2016). Organizacijski konteksti škole, fluktuacija nastavnika i postignuća učenika. Američki časopis za istraživanje obrazovanja, 53(5), 1411-1449.


    Što je zlatni standard testiranja fluidne inteligencije? - Psihologija

    The Clinical & amp Forensic Psychology Practice dr. Glena Skolera

    Administrirani psihološki testovi

    Postoje stotine psiholoških testova, vaga, instrumenata i kontrolnih popisa.

    Često će jedna ispitna baterija ili vaga, s nekoliko podtestova, zamijeniti potrebu za mnogim pojedinačnim testovima. Na primjer, Wechslerova memorijska ljestvica je baterija klasičnih neuropsiholoških testova memorije, kodiranja i učenja. Takva su ispitivanja u nastavku opisana kao „višekalibarske“ testne baterije.

    Posebno zbog svog dvostrukog profesionalnog identiteta kao kliničkog i forenzičkog psihologa, pokušavam se osloniti na najčešće korištene, istraživane i cijenjene psihološke testove. For example, for psychodiagnostic personality testing I rely upon the Millon, PAI & MMPI families of tests in their latest editions for adults, teenagers and children. And for IQ, memory and achievement testing, I rely upon the gold standard Wechsler series of IQ and other cognitive tests for adults and children.

    Some tests are listed below under two categories because they can be used for different purposes. These are just some of the selected tests I may choose to administer they cannot nearly all be listed on one page, for all categories of testing.

    Selected Neuropsychological Tests & Batteries

    Luria-Nebraska Neuropsychological Battery (LNNB-II) (Multi-scale test battery)

    Screening Test for the Luria-Nebraska Neuropsychological Battery (LNNB-ST)

    Dementia Rating Scale-II (DRS-II) (Multi-scale test battery)

    Mini-Mental State Exam-II (MMSE-II)

    Wechsler Memory Scale-IV (WMS-IV) (Multi-scale test battery)

    Wide Range Assessment of Memory & Learning (WRAML-II)

    Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale WAIS-IV (Multi-scale test battery)

    Booklet Categories Test (BCT)

    Test sortiranja kartica Wisconsin (WCST)

    Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Exam (BDAE-)

    Matrix Reasoning and Cancellation Tests

    Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (PPVT-IV)

    Neuropsychological Symptom Checklist (NSC)

    Children’s (Intermediate) Trail Making Test

    Rey & Taylor Complex Figures Tests

    Benton Visual Retention Test (BVRT-5 th Edition)

    Tests & Rating Scales of Executive Functioning

    Psycho-educational, IQ, Attention Deficit & Achievement Tests

    for Children, Teens & Adults

    Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-IV (WAIS-IV)

    Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-V)

    Wechsler Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence (WASI-II)

    Wechsler Memory Scale-IV (WMS-IV)

    Wide Range Achievement Test (WRAT-5)

    Wide Range Assessment of Memory and Learning (WRAML-II)

    Test sortiranja kartica Wisconsin (WCST)

    Children’s Color and Intermediate Trail Making Test

    Neuropsychological Tests Listed Above

    Psycho-diagnostic & Personality Testing for Adults and Children

    Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI-II-RF, MMPI-III)

    Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-IV (MCMI-IV)

    Personality Assessment Inventory (PAI & PAI PLUS)

    Millon Inventory of Personality Styles (MIPS-R)

    NEO Personality Inventory (NEO-PI-R)

    Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-Adolescent (MMPI-A/MMPI-A-RF)

    PAI-A (Personality Assessment Inventory-Adolescent Version)

    Millon Adolescent Clinical Inventory (MACI-II)

    Millon Pre-adolescent Clinical Inventory (M-PACI)

    Beck Youth Inventories-II (BYI-II)

    Personality Inventory for Youth—Child takes this test (PIY)

    Personality Inventory for Children-II—Parent rates child on this test (PIC-II)

    Student Behavior Survey—Teacher rates child on this test (SBS)

    Rorschach Administration and Scoring Systems

    Beck Depression, Hopelessness and Anxiety Inventories (BDI, BAI)

    Thematic Apperception Test for Adults and Children (TAT/CAT)

    Rotter Sentence Completion Blanks

    Structured Diagnostic Clinical Interviews

    Parent-Child Behavioral Rating Systems

    ADD/ADHD and Executive Functioning Screening Instruments

    Specialized Forensic and Custody Tests, Scales and Instruments

    Uniform Child Custody Evaluation System (UCCES)

    Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised, 2nd Ed. (Adult, Youth and Screening Versions)

    Multiphasic Sex Inventory-II—Adult and Adolescent forms (MSI)

    Substance Abuse Subtle Screening Inventory (SASSI-4)

    Sexual Violence Risk 20 (SVR-20 v.2)

    Violence Risk Assessment Instrument (HCR-20 v.3)

    Spousal Assault Risk Assessment (SARA)

    Various Tests of the Malingering and Feigning of Symptoms

    Evaluation of Competency to Stand Trial (ECST-R)

    Standardized Assessment of Miranda Abilities (SAMA)

    Psychosexual Life History Questionnaire

    Selected competency, criminal responsibility and malingering instruments.

    Selected parenting and child inventories and checklists for custody evaluations.


    Stanford-Binet IQ Test

    The Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scales (or more commonly the Stanford&ndashBinet) is an individually administered intelligence test that was revised from the original Binet&ndashSimon Scale by Lewis M. Terman, a psychologist at Stanford University. The Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scale is now in its fifth edition (SB5) and was released in 2003. It is a cognitive ability and intelligence test that is used to diagnose developmental or intellectual deficiencies in young children. The test measures five weighted factors and consists of both verbal and nonverbal subtests. The five factors being tested are knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing, working memory, and fluid reasoning.

    The development of the Stanford&ndashBinet initiated the modern field of intelligence testing and was one of the first examples of an adaptive test. The test originated in France, then was revised in the United States. It was initially created by the French psychologist Alfred Binet, who, following the introduction of a law mandating universal education by the French government, began developing a method of identifying "slow" children, so that they could be placed in special education programs, instead of labelled sick and sent to the asylum.[1] As Binet indicated, case studies might be more detailed and helpful, but the time required to test many people would be excessive. In 1916, at Stanford University, the psychologist Lewis Terman released a revised examination that became known as the Stanford&ndashBinet test.

    Razvoj

    As discussed by Fancher & Rutherford in 2012, the Stanford&ndashBinet is a modified version of the Binet-Simon Intelligence scale. The Binet-Simon scale was created by the French psychologist Alfred Binet and his student Theodore Simon. Due to changing education laws of the time, Binet had been requested by a government commission to come up with a way to detect children who were en retard. En retard means behind time in French, meaning that Binet and Simon wanted to identify kids who were falling behind and in need of help[2]. Binet believed that intelligence is malleable and that intelligence tests would help target kids in need of extra attention to advance their intelligence[3].

    To create their test, Binet and Simon first created a baseline of intelligence. A wide range of children were tested on a broad spectrum of measures in an effort to discover a clear indicator of intelligence. Failing to find a single identifier of intelligence, Binet and Simon instead compared children in each category by age. The children&rsquos highest levels of achievement were sorted by age and common levels of achievement considered the normal level for that age. Because this testing method merely compares a person's ability to the common ability level of others their age, the general practices of the test can easily be transferred to test different populations, even if the measures used are changed.

    One of the first intelligence tests, the Binet-Simon test quickly gained support in the psychological community, many of whom further spread it to the public. Lewis M. Terman, a psychologist at Stanford University, was one of the first to create a version of the test for people in the United States, naming the localized version the Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scale. Terman used the test not only to help identify children with learning difficulties but also to find children and adults who had above average levels of intelligence. In creating his version, Terman also tested additional methods for his Stanford revision, publishing his first official version as The Measurement of Intelligence: An Explanation of and a Complete Guide for the Use of the Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Intelligence Scale (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012) (Becker, 2003).

    The original tests in the 1905 form include:

    • "Le Regard"
    • Prehension Provoked by a Tactile Stimulus
    • Prehension Provoked by a Visual Perception
    • Recognition of Food
    • Quest of Food Complicated by a Slight Mechanical Difficulty
    • Execution of Simple Commands and Imitation of Simple Gestures
    • Verbal Knowledge of Objects
    • Verbal Knowledge of Pictures
    • Naming of Designated Objects
    • Immediate Comparison of Two Lines of Unequal Lengths
    • Repetition of Three Figures
    • Comparison of Two Weights
    • Suggestibility
    • Verbal Definition of Known Objects
    • Repetition of Sentences of Fifteen Words
    • Comparison of Known Objects from Memory
    • Exercise of Memory on Pictures
    • Drawing a Design from Memory
    • Immediate Repetition of Figures
    • Resemblances of Several Known Objects Given from Memory
    • Comparison of Lengths
    • Five Weights to be Placed in Order
    • Gap in Weights
    • Exercise upon Rhymes
    • Verbal Gaps to be Filled
    • Synthesis of Three Words in One Sentence
    • Reply to an Abstract Question
    • Reversal of the Hands of a Clock
    • Paper Cutting
    • Definitions of Abstract Terms

    Historical use

    One hindrance to widespread understanding of the test is its use of a variety of different measures. In an effort to simplify the information gained from the Binet-Simon test into a more comprehensible and easier to understand form, German psychologist William Stern created the now well known Intelligence Quotient (IQ). By comparing the age a child scored at to their biological age, a ratio is created to show the rate of their mental progress as IQ. Terman quickly grasped the idea for his Stanford revision with the adjustment of multiplying the ratios by 100 to make them easier to read.

    As also discussed by Leslie, in 2000, Terman was another of the main forces in spreading intelligence testing in the United States (Becker, 2003). Terman quickly promoted the use of the Stanford&ndashBinet for schools across the United States where it saw a high rate of acceptance. Terman&rsquos work also had the attention of the U.S. government, who recruited him to apply the ideas from his Stanford&ndashBinet test for military recruitment near the start of World War I. With over 1.7 million military recruits taking a version of the test and the acceptance of the test by the government, the Stanford&ndashBinet saw an increase in awareness and acceptance (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012).

    Given the perceived importance of intelligence and with new ways to measure intelligence, many influential individuals, including Terman, began promoting controversial ideas to increase the nation's overall intelligence. These ideas included things such as discouraging individuals with low IQ from having children and granting important positions based on high IQ scores. While there was significant opposition, many institutions proceeded to adjust students' education based on their IQ scores, often with a heavy influence on future career possibilities (Leslie, 2000).

    Revisions of the Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scale

    Since the first publication in 1916, there have been four additional revised editions of the Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scales, the first of which was developed by Lewis Terman. Over twenty years later, Maud Merrill was accepted into Stanford&rsquos education program shortly before Terman became the head of the psychology department. She completed both her Masters Degree and Ph.D. under Terman and quickly became a colleague of his as they started the revisions of the second edition together. There were 3,200 examinees, aged one and a half to eighteen years, ranging in different geographic regions as well as socioeconomic levels in attempts to comprise a broader normative sample (Roid & Barram, 2004). This edition incorporated more objectified scoring methods, while placing less emphasis on recall memory and including a greater range of nonverbal abilities (Roid & Barram, 2004) compared to the 1916 edition.

    When Terman died in 1956, the revisions for the third edition were well underway, and Merrill was able to publish the final revision in 1960 (Roid & Barram, 2004). The use of the deviation IQ made its first appearance in this third edition by replacing the ratio IQ. While new features were added, there were no newly created items included in this revision. Instead, any items from the 1937 form that showed no substantial change in difficulty from the 1930s to the 1950s were either eliminated or adjusted (Roid & Barram, 2004).

    Robert Thorndike was asked to take over after Merrill&rsquos retirement. With the help of Elizabeth Hagen and Jerome Sattler, Thorndike produced the fourth edition of the Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scale in 1986. This edition covers the ages two through twenty-three and has some considerable changes compared to its predecessors (Graham & Naglieri, 2003). This edition was the first to use the fifteen subtests with point scales in place of using the previous age scale format. In an attempt to broaden cognitive ability, the subtests were grouped and resulted in four area scores, which improved flexibility for administration and interpretation (Youngstrom, Glutting, & Watkins, 2003). The fourth edition is known for assessing children that may be referred for gifted programs. This edition includes a broad range of abilities, which provides more challenging items for those in their early adolescent years, whereas other intelligence tests of the time did not provide difficult enough items for the older children (Laurent, Swerdlik, & Ryburn, 1992).

    Gale Roid published the most recent edition of the Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scale. Roid attended Harvard University where he was a research assistant to David McClelland. McClelland is well known for his studies on the need for achievement. While the fifth edition incorporates some of the classical traditions of these scales, there were several significant changes made.

    • April 1905: Development of Binet-Simon Test announced at a conference in Rome
    • June 1905: Binet-Simon Intelligence Test introduced
    • 1908 and 1911: New Versions of Binet-Simon Intelligence Test
    • 1916: Stanford&ndashBinet First Edition by Terman
    • 1937: Second Edition by Terman and Merrill
    • 1973: Third Edition by Merrill
    • 1986: Fourth Edition by Thorndike, Hagen, and Sattler
    • 2003: Fifth Edition by Roid

    Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scale: Fifth Edition

    Just as it was used when Binet first developed the IQ test, the Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scale: Fifth Edition (SB5) is based in the schooling process to assess intelligence. It continuously and efficiently assesses all levels of ability in individuals with a broader range in age. It is also capable of measuring multiple dimensions of abilities (Ruf, 2003).

    The SB5 can be administered to individuals as early as two years of age. There are ten subsets included in this revision including both verbal and nonverbal domains. Five factors are also incorporated in this scale, which are directly related to Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) hierarchical model of cognitive abilities. These factors include fluid reasoning, knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing, and working memory (Bain & Allin, 2005). Many of the familiar picture absurdities, vocabulary, memory for sentences, and verbal absurdities still remain from the previous editions (Janzen, Obrzut, & Marusiak, 2003), however with more modern artwork and item content for the revised fifth edition.

    For every verbal subtest that is used, there is a nonverbal counterpart across all factors. These nonverbal tasks consist of making movement responses such as pointing or assembling manipulatives (Bain & Allin, 2005). These counterparts have been included to address language-reduced assessments in multicultural societies. Depending on age and ability, administration can range from fifteen minutes to an hour and fifteen minutes.

    The fifth edition incorporated a new scoring system, which can provide a wide range of information such as four intelligence score composites, five factor indices, and ten subtest scores. Additional scoring information includes percentile ranks, age equivalents, and a change-sensitive score (Janzen, Obrzut, & Marusiak, 2003). Extended IQ scores and gifted composite scores are available with the SB5 in order to optimize the assessment for gifted programs (Ruf, 2003). To reduce errors and increase diagnostic precision, scores are obtained electronically through the use of computers now.

    The standardization sample for the SB5 included 4,800 participants varying in age, sex, race/ethnicity, geographic region, and socioeconomic level (Bain & Allin, 2005).

    Pouzdanost

    Several reliability tests have been performed on the SB5 including split-half reliability, standard error of measurement, plotting of test information curves, test-retest stability, and inter-scorer agreement. On average, IQ scores for this scale have been found quite stable across time (Janzen, Obrzut, & Marusiak, 2003). Internal consistency was tested by split-half reliability and was reported to be substantial and comparable to other cognitive batteries (Bain & Allin, 2005). The median interscorer correlation was .90 on average (Janzen, Obrzut, & Marusiak, 2003). The SB5 has also been found to have great precision at advanced levels of performance meaning that the test is especially useful in testing children for giftedness (Bain & Allin, 2005). There have only been a small amount of practice effects and familiarity of testing procedures with retest reliability however, these have proven to be insignificant. Readministration of the SB5 can occur in a six-month interval rather than one year due to the small mean differences in reliability (Bain & Allin, 2005).

    Content validity has been found based on the professional judgments Roid received concerning fairness of items and item content as well as items concerning the assessment of giftedness (Bain & Allin, 2005). With an examination of age trends, construct validity was supported along with empirical justification of a more substantial g loading for the SB5 compared to previous editions. The potential for a variety of comparisons, especially for within or across factors and verbal/nonverbal domains, has been appreciated with the scores received from the SB5 (Bain & Allin, 2005).

    Score classification

    The test publisher includes suggested score classifications in the test manual.

    The classifications of scores used in the Fifth Edition differ from those used in earlier versions of the test.

    Subtests and factors

    Present use

    Since its inception, the Stanford&ndashBinet has been revised several times. Currently, the test is in its fifth edition, which is called the Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition, or SB5. According to the publisher's website, "The SB5 was normed on a stratified random sample of 4,800 individuals that matches the 2000 U.S. Census". By administering the Stanford&ndashBinet test to large numbers of individuals selected at random from different parts of the United States, it has been found that the scores approximate a normal distribution. The revised edition of the Stanford&ndashBinet over time has devised substantial changes in the way the tests are presented. The test has improved when looking at the introduction of a more parallel form and more demonstrative standards. For one, a non-verbal IQ component is included in the present day tests whereas in the past, there was only a verbal component. In fact, it now has equal balance of verbal and non-verbal content in the tests. It is also more animated than the other tests, providing the test-takers with more colourful artwork, toys and manipulatives. This allows the test to have a higher range in the age of the test takers. This test is purportedly useful in assessing the intellectual capabilities of people ranging from young children all the way to young adults. However, the test has come under criticism for not being able to compare people of different age categories, since each category gets a different set of tests. Furthermore, very young children tend to do poorly on the test due to the fact that they lack the ability to concentrate long enough to finish it.

    Current uses for the test include clinical and neuropsychological assessment, educational placement, compensation evaluations, career assessment, adult neuropsychological treatment, forensics, and research on aptitude. Various high-IQ societies also accept this test for admission into their ranks for example, the Triple Nine Society accepts a minimum qualifying score of 151 for Form L or M, 149 for Form LM if taken in 1986 or earlier, 149 for SB-IV, and 146 for SB-V in all cases the applicant must have been at least 16 years old at the date of the test.

    This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Stanford&ndashBinet Intelligence Scales".


    The effect of group-based exercise on cognitive performance and mood in seniors residing in intermediate care and self-care retirement facilities: a randomised controlled trial

    Cilj: To determine the effect of a general group-based exercise programme on cognitive performance and mood among seniors without dementia living in retirement villages.

    Oblikovati: Randomised controlled trial.

    Setting: Four intermediate care and four self-care retirement village sites in Sydney, Australia.

    Participants: 154 seniors (19 men, 135 women age range 62 to 95 years), who were residents of intermediate care and self-care retirement facilities.

    Intervention: Participants were randomised to one of three experimental groups: (1) a general group-based exercise (GE) programme composed of resistance training and balance training exercises (2) a flexibility exercise and relaxation technique (FR) programme or (3) no-exercise control (NEC). The intervention groups (GE and FR) participated in 1-hour exercise classes twice a week for a total period of 6 months.

    Main outcome measures: Using standard neuropsychological tests, we assessed cognitive performance at baseline and at 6-month re-test in three domains: (1) fluid intelligence (2) visual, verbal and working memory and (3) executive functioning. We also assessed mood using the Geriatric Depression Scale (GDS) and the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS).

    Rezultati: The GE programme significantly improved cognitive performance of fluid intelligence compared with FR or NEC. There were also significant improvements in the positive PANAS scale within both the GE and FR groups and an indication that the two exercise programmes reduced depression in those with initially high GDS scores.

    Zaključci: Our GE programme significantly improved cognitive performance of fluid intelligence in seniors residing in retirement villages compared with our FR programme and the NEC group. Furthermore, both group-based exercise programmes were beneficial for certain aspects of mood within the 6-month intervention period.


    Inteligencija

    Inteligencija refers to intellectual functioning. Intelligence quotients, or IQ tests, compare your performance with other people your age who take the same test. These tests don’t measure all kinds of intelligence, however. For example, such tests can’t identify differences in social intelligence, the expertise people bring to their interactions with others. There are also generational differences in the population as a whole. Better nutrition, more education and other factors have resulted in IQ improvements for each generation.


    MEASURING INTELLIGENCE

    It seems that the human understanding of intelligence is somewhat limited when we focus on traditional or academic-type intelligence. How then, can intelligence be measured? And when we measure intelligence, how do we ensure that we capture what we’re really trying to measure (in other words, that IQ tests function as valid measures of intelligence)? In the following paragraphs, we will explore the how intelligence tests were developed and the history of their use.

    The IQ test has been synonymous with intelligence for over a century. In the late 1800s, Sir Francis Galton developed the first broad test of intelligence (Flanagan & Kaufman, 2004). Although he was not a psychologist, his contributions to the concepts of intelligence testing are still felt today (Gordon, 1995). Reliable intelligence testing (you may recall from earlier chapters that reliability refers to a test’s ability to produce consistent results) began in earnest during the early 1900s with a researcher named Alfred Binet ([link]). Binet was asked by the French government to develop an intelligence test to use on children to determine which ones might have difficulty in school it included many verbally based tasks. American researchers soon realized the value of such testing. Louis Terman, a Stanford professor, modified Binet’s work by standardizing the administration of the test and tested thousands of different-aged children to establish an average score for each age. As a result, the test was normed and standardized, which means that the test was administered consistently to a large enough representative sample of the population that the range of scores resulted in a bell curve (bell curves will be discussed later). Standardization means that the manner of administration, scoring, and interpretation of results is consistent. Norming involves giving a test to a large population so data can be collected comparing groups, such as age groups. The resulting data provide norms, or referential scores, by which to interpret future scores. Norms are not expectations of what a given group trebao know but a demonstration of what that group čini know. Norming and standardizing the test ensures that new scores are reliable. This new version of the test was called the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale (Terman, 1916). Remarkably, an updated version of this test is still widely used today.


    In 1939, David Wechsler, a psychologist who spent part of his career working with World War I veterans, developed a new IQ test in the United States. Wechsler combined several subtests from other intelligence tests used between 1880 and World War I. These subtests tapped into a variety of verbal and nonverbal skills, because Wechsler believed that intelligence encompassed “the global capacity of a person to act purposefully, to think rationally, and to deal effectively with his environment” (Wechsler, 1958, p. 7). He named the test the Wechsler-Bellevue Intelligence Scale (Wechsler, 1981). This combination of subtests became one of the most extensively used intelligence tests in the history of psychology. Although its name was later changed to the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS) and has been revised several times, the aims of the test remain virtually unchanged since its inception (Boake, 2002). Today, there are three intelligence tests credited to Wechsler, the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-fourth edition (WAIS-IV), the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-V), and the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence—IV (WPPSI-IV) (Wechsler, 2012). These tests are used widely in schools and communities throughout the United States, and they are periodically normed and standardized as a means of recalibration. Interestingly, the periodic recalibrations have led to an interesting observation known as the Flynn effect. Named after James Flynn, who was among the first to describe this trend, the Flynn effect refers to the observation that each generation has a significantly higher IQ than the last. Flynn himself argues, however, that increased IQ scores do not necessarily mean that younger generations are more intelligent per se (Flynn, Shaughnessy, & Fulgham, 2012). As a part of the recalibration process, the WISC-V was given to thousands of children across the country, and children taking the test today are compared with their same-age peers ([link]).

    The WISC-V is composed of 14 subtests, which comprise five indices, which then render an IQ score. The five indices are Verbal Comprehension, Visual Spatial, Fluid Reasoning, Working Memory, and Processing Speed. When the test is complete, individuals receive a score for each of the five indices and a Full Scale IQ score. The method of scoring reflects the understanding that intelligence is comprised of multiple abilities in several cognitive realms and focuses on the mental processes that the child used to arrive at his or her answers to each test item.

    Ultimately, we are still left with the question of how valid intelligence tests are. Certainly, the most modern versions of these tests tap into more than verbal competencies, yet the specific skills that should be assessed in IQ testing, the degree to which any test can truly measure an individual’s intelligence, and the use of the results of IQ tests are still issues of debate (Gresham & Witt, 1997 Flynn, Shaughnessy, & Fulgham, 2012 Richardson, 2002 Schlinger, 2003).

    The case of Atkins v. Virginia was a landmark case in the United States Supreme Court. On August 16, 1996, two men, Daryl Atkins and William Jones, robbed, kidnapped, and then shot and killed Eric Nesbitt, a local airman from the U.S. Air Force. A clinical psychologist evaluated Atkins and testified at the trial that Atkins had an IQ of 59. The mean IQ score is 100. The psychologist concluded that Atkins was mildly mentally retarded.

    The jury found Atkins guilty, and he was sentenced to death. Atkins and his attorneys appealed to the Supreme Court. In June 2002, the Supreme Court reversed a previous decision and ruled that executions of mentally retarded criminals are ‘cruel and unusual punishments’ prohibited by the Eighth Amendment. The court wrote in their decision:

    Clinical definitions of mental retardation require not only subaverage intellectual functioning, but also significant limitations in adaptive skills. Mentally retarded persons frequently know the difference between right and wrong and are competent to stand trial. Because of their impairments, however, by definition they have diminished capacities to understand and process information, to communicate, to abstract from mistakes and learn from experience, to engage in logical reasoning, to control impulses, and to understand others’ reactions. Their deficiencies do not warrant an exemption from criminal sanctions, but diminish their personal culpability (Atkins v. Virginia, 2002, par. 5).

    The court also decided that there was a state legislature consensus against the execution of the mentally retarded and that this consensus should stand for all of the states. The Supreme Court ruling left it up to the states to determine their own definitions of mental retardation and intellectual disability. The definitions vary among states as to who can be executed. In the Atkins case, a jury decided that because he had many contacts with his lawyers and thus was provided with intellectual stimulation, his IQ had reportedly increased, and he was now smart enough to be executed. He was given an execution date and then received a stay of execution after it was revealed that lawyers for co-defendant, William Jones, coached Jones to “produce a testimony against Mr. Atkins that did match the evidence” (Liptak, 2008). After the revelation of this misconduct, Atkins was re-sentenced to life imprisonment.

    Atkins v. Virginia (2002) highlights several issues regarding society’s beliefs around intelligence. In the Atkins case, the Supreme Court decided that intellectual disability čini affect decision making and therefore should affect the nature of the punishment such criminals receive. Where, however, should the lines of intellectual disability be drawn? In May 2014, the Supreme Court ruled in a related case (Hall v. Florida) that IQ scores cannot be used as a final determination of a prisoner’s eligibility for the death penalty (Roberts, 2014).


    Fluid Reasoning

    Fluid reasoning is the ability to solve (usually abstract) problems in which no prior knowledge is required. The nonverbal aspect of fluid reasoning is tested with object series matrices. Generally speaking, a test subject is shown a series that illustrates a pattern and is asked to complete the pattern. Verbal absurdities and verbal analogies are used to test a person’s verbal fluid reasoning. Verbal absurdities are simply statements that are silly or impossible. Upon hearing these statements, test takers are asked to explain why they are silly or impossible. Analogies reveal the relationship between concepts. For example, a person might be asked a classification question in the guise of the analogy “an apple is to fruit as celery is to __________.” (vegetable).


    Reliability and validity of composite scores from the NIH Toolbox Cognition Battery in adults

    This study describes psychometric properties of the NIH Toolbox Cognition Battery (NIHTB-CB) Composite Scores in an adult sample. The NIHTB-CB was designed for use in epidemiologic studies and clinical trials for ages 3 to 85. A total of 268 self-described healthy adults were recruited at four university-based sites, using stratified sampling guidelines to target demographic variability for age (20-85 years), gender, education, and ethnicity. The NIHTB-CB contains seven computer-based instruments assessing five cognitive sub-domains: Language, Executive Function, Episodic Memory, Processing Speed, and Working Memory. Participants completed the NIHTB-CB, corresponding gold standard validation measures selected to tap the same cognitive abilities, and sociodemographic questionnaires. Three Composite Scores were derived for both the NIHTB-CB and gold standard batteries: "Crystallized Cognition Composite," "Fluid Cognition Composite," and "Total Cognition Composite" scores. NIHTB Composite Scores showed acceptable internal consistency (Cronbach's alphas=0.84 Crystallized, 0.83 Fluid, 0.77 Total), excellent test-retest reliability (r: 0.86-0.92), strong convergent (r: 0.78-0.90) and discriminant (r: 0.19-0.39) validities versus gold standard composites, and expected age effects (r=0.18 crystallized, r=-0.68 fluid, r=-0.26 total). Significant relationships with self-reported prior school difficulties and current health status, employment, and presence of a disability provided evidence of external validity. The NIH Toolbox Cognition Battery Composite Scores have excellent reliability and validity, suggesting they can be used effectively in epidemiologic and clinical studies.

    Figure

    Performance on the Toolbox Crystallized…

    Performance on the Toolbox Crystallized Cognition Composite and the Gold Standard Crystallized Cognition…

    Performance on the Toolbox Fluid…

    Performance on the Toolbox Fluid Cognition Composite and the Gold Standard Fluid Cognition…